Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review
Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review publishes high quality, peer-reviewed, open-access articles in all major areas of political science, including Romanian politics, European politics, political theory, comparative politics, political sociology, public policy, international relations, and global studies.
Editura Universității din București - Bucharest University Press
RADU CARP. Punctul de cotitură. Ruptură, continuitate și transformarea democrațiilor [The Turning Point. Rupture, Continuity and the Transformation of Democracies]
The book opens with an artifice that stimulates the reader's curiosity: “at the same time and everywhere “is an attention grabber that reveals the meaning and role of the book: a chronicle of different perspectives on the seminal events for the last two years. What prefigures the reading of the book is also mentioned in the title, as a leitmotif and a captatio benevolentiae: the turning point recalls another important theme recurrently mentioned by the former President of the United States Joe Biden in his speeches: the “inflection point.” This inflection point is constituted, in fact, by successive transformations undergone by the contemporary world as an acceleration of History, with a capital letter, and to which we become both witnesses, and participants, in a deeply polarizing, radicalized environment, directly experiencing every action almost immediately. This inflection of history written before our eyes has different meanings, which can be discovered by observing some details or facts that the author proves he can understand with acuity, throughout this volume.
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ALEXANDRU COHAL, DORIN DOBRINCU, GEORGE ȚURCĂNAȘU (eds.). Regionalizarea: către un model de bună guvernanță a României [Regionalization: Towards a Good Governance Model for Romania]
This edited volume stems from the public debate initiated by the Movement for the Development of Moldova (Mișcarea pentru dezvoltarea Moldovei) on how the development gap affecting the eastern part of Romania can be addressed via territorial reform.2 The contributors to the volume are professors and researchers at the Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași, and at the Romanian Academy in Iași. They are joined by three other colleagues working in Bolzano, Sibiu, and Cluj-Napoca. The contributors cover a broad range of fields: legal studies, geography, sociology, political science, economics, history, ethnology, and linguistics. This provides for a variety of perspectives on regionalism and the territorial and administrative reforms designed to address it. At the same time, as will be shown later, this also creates some issues regarding the coherence of the book.
REVIEW ESSAY: Competing Narratives in Hungarian-Romanian Interstate Relations
ALFÖLDI LÁSZLÓ. Kolozsvártól Bukarestig. Egy magyar diplomata visszaemlékezései [From Cluj-Napoca to Bucharest. Memoirs of a Hungarian Diplomat]. Budapest: Kisebbségekért‒Pro Minoritate Alapítvány ‒ Méry Ratio Kiadó. 2022. 251 p. GHEORGHE ALBUȚ. Un diplomat român la Budapesta (1981-1990 și după aceea…) [A Romanian Diplomat in Budapest. (1981-1990 and after that…)]. București: Corint Istorie. 2023. 256 p.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE ROMANIAN POLITICAL LIFE October 01, 2024 – March 31, 2025
AN ANALYSIS OF DISCOURSES AND MEDIA STATEMENTS ON THE 2024 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN BELARUS: STRENGTHENING THE HEGEMONIC AUTHORITARIAN FAÇADE
After winning his first presidential term in 1994, Alexander Lukashenko laid the foundations of a hegemonic authoritarian regime in Belarus through which he controlled the country with an iron fist. Since 1995, three referendums have been held in this former Soviet republic. As a result, Belarusians have abandoned the national symbols adopted in 1991 in favor of those used during the Soviet era. They also voted for maintaining the death penalty and reducing the powers of the Parliament, which has since been controlled exclusively by the president. In 2022, following a new popular consultation, the Belarusian population granted Alexander Lukashenko the right to rule Belarus until 2035 and to lead the All-Belarusian People’s Assembly, an institution that allows him new prerogatives at the expense of the Legislature. This paper examines the evolution of the 2024 Parliamentary elections, investigating the how the election process was conducted in this former Soviet republic. The study shows that the electoral process was uncompetitive and marked by the state repression, cooptation, intimidation, and fear, effectively dismantling the democratic façade and strengthening the stability of the current hegemonic authoritarian regime.
THE GAMIFICATION OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN THE FREE PALESTINE MOVEMENT
The purpose of this paper is to familiarize the readership with the phenomenon of gamification, defined as the use of game design elements in non-game contexts, its characteristics and impact on citizens’ trust and political participation. The re-emergence of the Free Palestine Movement on October 7, 2023, which coincides with the resumption of the armed conflict between Israel and the Hamas-led Palestinian militant groups in the Gaza Strip, throws into relief the increasing relevance of political mobilization through digital mediums. This paper seeks to re-energize scrutiny into the role of digital technologies in enhancing citizens’ political participation and the production of alternative knowledge. On TikTok, gamification is an emerging phenomenon with an upward trend that incentivizes the user to engage in political activities under a veneer of gamefulness. Amid the loss of trust in political institutions worldwide, the migration of political activism towards the digital space instils a sense of renewed optimism. In the present study, I attempt to synthesize the existing knowledge centered around gamified political participation, extract findings through game analytics and social media mining, and use other academics’ theories as springboards to answer the question: “What is gamification, and how did it manifest in the Free Palestine Movement?”
LOCAL ELECTIONS WITHOUT COMPETITION, PLURALITY AND PARTIES? CASE STUDIES OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC AND BRANDENBURG
At a time of pervasive changes in political communication, political values, leadership, and institutionalization of political actors, the need to verify more accurately how local politics in small municipalities work emerges. Both regarding the actual role of these political systems and the character of representation and participation. This article explores the mechanisms of representation and participation in the case of the Czech Republic, exhibiting the most fragmented municipal structure in Europe, and the German federal state of Brandenburg, which, owing to demographic problems, encounters problems with effectively consolidating its municipal structure. In accordance with our assumptions, the specificity of representation and participation becomes primarily evident in the most deviant local political systems, void of competition, plurality, or political parties.
AT THE ROOTS OF THE CURRENT TRANSFORMATION OF THE CZECH COMMUNIST PARTY
A century after the Communist Party was formed in Czechoslovakia, it still exists, as a survivor of several crises. After 1989, it has been seen as a relic of the former Communist regime as it was supposed to disappear quickly, but this did not happen during the first thirty years of post-Communist evolution. Even if we should have already witnessed the weakening of the basis of the party, it was only during the 2021 General Elections that it became unable to enter the Parliament. After this turning point, it apparently moved towards a more nationalistic stance, turning “brown,” focusing more on illiberal and nationalist rhetorics. This situation became obvious in the frame of the Communists-led Stačilo! (Enough!) coalition for the European elections in 2024. I propose an analysis balancing two possible explanations, on the one side the observation of a new orientation explained by the current electoral crisis masking a hidden identity deeply rooted in the history (a party change in the Gauja 2016 sense).
THE CRISIS OF THE LEFT IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC, A PARTY-ELITE PERSPECTIVE (KSČM AND SOCDEM)
For approximately two decades, the Czech Republic has stood out as an outlier in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), being the only country where a largely unreformed communist successor party, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM), has consistently enjoyed stable and significant electoral support. Simultaneously, a robust social-democratic left with no direct ties to the former communist party played a major role in Czech politics. The Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), originally founded in 1878, having been the largest or second-largest party in the country for over a decade. However, in the broader European context of left-wing decline and the rise of anti-establishment populist challengers, both parties have experienced sharp electoral downturns. In the 2021 elections, KSČM lost its parliamentary representation, a fate shared by ČSSD, now renamed Sociální Demokracie (SOCDEM), which faces an even deeper crisis. These setbacks occurred alongside the rise of new populist forces such as ANO and Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD), which have drawn support from traditional centre-left constituencies. Despite these challenges, both parties remain politically active, with KSČM experiencing a modest revival under a more nationalist-conservative orientation. In light of this context, this paper has two primary aims. First, it traces the electoral decline of KSČM and SOCDEM over the past decade by analyzing election results and party positioning. Second, it explores how party elites interpret the crisis and identify potential sources of resilience. Methodologically, the study combines quantitative data with qualitative interviews and party document analysis. Overall, it contributes to understanding the crisis and transformation of the Czech left within the recent political landscape, as well as its implications for the broader crisis of the left in Eastern Europe.
CONDITIONS FOR THE (RE)CONSTRUCTION OF PROGRESSIVE LEFT IN BULGARIA
The political left in Bulgaria experienced a deep crisis over the last eight years having lost mostly eighty percent of its electorate. The main left-wing party operated an ideological shift to a kind of left nationalism and conservative socialism, trying to recover its support. On the other side there are numerous NGOs, initiatives, media platforms and even think-tanks, small in size, scattered everywhere, which identify themselves as center-left, socially sensitive, feminist, anti-racist even anti-capitalist. Their ideologies seem to be close to the progressive European left. But often they work separately and quite are reserved towards the political left. The article explores the conditions, the opportunities, and the obstacles for a possible reconstruction of an influential and progressive left political actor in Bulgaria.
WHAT CONSTITUTES THE LEFT IN ALBANIA? DEFINING COMMUNIST SUCCESSOR AND OTHER LEFT-WING PARTIES
The Left in Albania has long been synonymous with the communist successor, most notably represented by the Socialist Party of Albania (SPA). Emerging from the Cold War era, the SPA inherited not only the ideological framework, but also the political dominance that had been characteristic of communist rule. Over the past three decades, the SPA has remained one of Albania’s two dominant political parties, blending elements of socialist ideology with certain authoritarian tendencies. This legacy has contributed to an ideological and democratic void that other parties, particularly extra-parliamentary ones, have sought to fill. Among these, the Movement Together (MT) and the Hashtag Initiative (HI) have emerged as significant actors. Given the scarcity of comprehensive scholarship on Albania’s political landscape, this paper presents Albania as a case study to define and classify communist successor and other left-wing parties, drawing on frameworks applied in Central and Eastern Europe. The paper compares the platforms and political rhetoric of the SPA, MT, and HI, with a particular focus on the SPA’s conduct while in government. Moreover, the internal characteristics of these parties is examined to provide a nuanced understanding of Albania’s domestic political environment and what defines the Left in Albania.
COMMUNIST HERITAGE AS THE WELFARE STATE POINT OF REFERENCE. POLAND’S CASE STUDY
This study explores the legacy of the communist welfare state in Poland and its impact on contemporary social democracy. It examines how Polish leftist parties have engaged with the socio-economic achievements of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) while navigating post-communist political cleavages. Through historical and comparative analysis, the paper investigates how Polish social democracy has used its communist heritage in shaping its policy agenda, particularly regarding welfare provisions such as housing, education, and healthcare. The findings suggest that while the Polish left has at times strategically employed the achievements of the PRL in political discourse, recent shifts – marked by a retreat from this historical narrative – have weakened its electoral appeal. The study raises questions about whether Polish social democracy can leverage its historical legacy to advocate for a stronger welfare state in an era of neoliberal dominance.
FROM A SOCIAL MOVEMENT TO A LEFT-WING PARTY: THE STUDY OF VETËVENDOSJE IN KOSOVO
This research examines the mobilization strategies employed by Vetëvendosje, a left-wing political party in Kosovo, as it transitioned from a grassroots anti-establishment movement to a governing party. In the context of socio-economic inequality, democratic instability, and the legacy of post-communism, the study examines how populist mobilization serves as both a political tool and electoral strategy for social movements transitioning into political parties. Thus, it raises the following research questions: What factors enabled Vetëvendosje to maintain institutional legitimacy after its transition? How did populist mobilization influence its ideology and electoral outcomes? Through process tracing and content analysis of party manifestos, the research evaluates the evolution of populist discourse and its impact on electoral performance. By analyzing changes in identity and narrative within Vetëvendosje, this study contributes to broader discussions on social movements and the transformation of left-wing parties in post-communist societies.
INTRODUCTION TO THE SPECIAL ISSUE: THE LEFT-WING PARTIES IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE, TRAJECTORY OF A DECLINE FROM THE POST-COMMUNIST TRANSITION
This article reviews the electoral results of left-wing parties in Central and Eastern Europe since 1991 and the fall of Communism. By following the trajectories of left-wing parties, we can identify a three-phase periodization leading to the decline of left-wing parties. First, the reform of the heirs to communism, who converted to Western social democracy and reformed their political élite. This period is characterized by electoral success and government participation for the heirs of communism who have become social democrats. Then came the accession negotiations with the European Union, which brought the European issue to the forefront of the region’s agenda. The social-democratic parties held the issue, giving themselves an image of modernizers with the promise of social and economic progress. This period was marked by even greater electoral success, demonstrating the strength of these parties. Finally, the decline which followed the disillusionment of EU membership after 2008: social-democratic parties have lost their status as modernizers and are no longer able to regain a foothold in society, to the benefit of radical right-wing parties. This periodization leads us to consider the state of the left in the region today, and its reconstruction.
LUCIAN TURCESCU and LAVINIA STAN (eds.), Churches, Memory and Justice in Post-Communism, Cham, Palgrave Macmillan, 2021
AMY LIU, The Language of Political Incorporation. Chinese Migrants in Europe, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2021
ANNA CALORI, ANNE-KRISTIN HARTMETZ, BENCE KOCSEV and JAMES MARK (eds.), Between East and South Spaces of Interaction in the Globalizing Economy of the Cold War, Berlin, De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2019
Political Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Principle of the Constituency of Peoples
This article provides an overview of how, although the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina itself proclaims the principle of democracy, it still contains many elements that limit the democratic capacity of the country's institutions. In this regard, the study is particularly interested in the scope of the principle of the constituency of the people, which is the product of the activities of ethno-national political parties in the peace negotiations of 1992–1995 and the negotiation of a new constitutional order, on the electoral and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This article contributes to help filling the gap in the existing literature on the study of the interplay between the democratic process, the choice of the electoral systems and the role of the political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a new democracy in the Western Balkans. The novelty to the general theory on the models of democracy is the historical development that led to the application of the model of consociational democracy, which includes a combination of the international factors, internal conflicts, and political parties. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is interesting because it shows how the constitutional system has changed from citizen-based to an ethnicity-based fundamentals, because of the activity of political parties.
The COVID-19 Pandemic, Twitter, and the Archetype of “Country Savior” in the Ukrainian Case
The COVID-19 pandemic has updated the attention of social scientists in the study of the role and influence of archetypes on public opinion. On social networks, Ukrainian politicians inform citizens about the fight against the pandemic. It is presented as a feat, the salvation of not only the nation, but also the world. Politicians are independently constructing an image of the hero who helps to create a vaccine or arrange its supply and save the country’s population. To establish the archetype of the hero through the discourse of vaccination, this articlea analyzed the strategies of constructing the archetype of the “country savior,” using the Greimas actantial model. As a result, the actantial categories were discovered by using the computer semantic analysis of tweets. It was found that politicians use the archetypes of the savior-industrialist (Viktor Medvedchuk), savior-inspirer (Volodymyr Zelenskyy) and savior-patron (Petro Poroshenko). A method for measuring negativism and its intensity in the messages of politicians was also proposed, and it was found that the representative of the government perceives the situation in a more positive way, while the opposition mostly negatively. It was also found that the amount of negativism and its intensity can be interpreted through the actantial models.
The “Year of Truth:” The Impact of the 2020 Elections on the Integration Project of the Russian Federation with Belarus
Since the 1990s, the integration of Belarus and the Russian Federation has played an important role in Russia’s foreign policy strategy. Russian- Belarusian relations are crucial for Russia due to the geopolitical, political, economic, and cultural context. By contrast, Belarus is much less enthusiastic about the project as there are many objections to its implementation. One of the main concerns is the threat of a loss of sovereignty. Despite the relatively great interest in Belarusian-Russian relations, essential nuances are not considered in academic works. Instead, Western experts are deeply convinced of the inevitability of a rapprochement between Russia and Belarus and the unification of the goals, method, pace, and integration tools. The myth of the almost natural integration of these countries, based on cultural, linguistic, and religious proximity, is still alive. This article is a contribution to this debate whose aim is to discuss the key stages of the analyzed integration process and show this bilateral project’s specificity. Therefore, it focuses on the various dimensions of the integration process between the Russian Federation and Belarus to identify threats and opportunities for its implementation. This introduces a new framework for evaluating the internal situation of Belarus after the mid-2020 elections. The analysis shows that recent trends in the evolution of domestic politics in Belarus may significantly contribute to the intensification of the integration project and the redefinition of Lukashenko’s role in this project.
the project of integration of the Russian Federation and Belarus
The People, Values, and the State: How Vladimir Putin’s Views on Ideology Evolved
The main goal of this article is to analyze the evolution of Vladimir Putin’s understanding of the role of ideology in the Russian political system. This research, based on a discourse analysis of Putin’s addresses, articles, speeches, and interviews, allowed us to reconstruct the Russian president’s views on sovereignty, the Russian state, “the people” and their unity, and trace the emergence of Putinism as a specific ideology directed against the liberal world order. Our study demonstrates that Putin’s approach to ideology has undergone a difficult transformation from abandoning state ideology to a de facto revival of it. Giving ideology formal legal status by amending the Russian constitution in 2020 was the logical conclusion of the evolution of Putin’s views. The public protests that swept through post- Soviet countries played a big role in this evolution because Putin perceived them as a threat to national sovereignty. This article shows that Putin’s pursuit of ideological policy serves two main goals: protecting Russia’s sovereignty, which involves not just building effective protection against external influence on Russia, but also reformatting the system of international relations so that the possibility of this influence can be eliminated and providing “national unity” and loyalty to the regime.
A Theoretical Overview of the Creation of the Inimical Other in Contemporary Populist Discourse
Populist discourse is notoriously hard to pinpoint, molding itself on a great variety of national circumstances. In every instance, however, one element always remains present, namely the opposition between the people and the inimical Other. The Other has been a constant for populists from Juan Peron to Donald Trump. The present article argues that despite the importance placed upon “the people” within scholarship on populism, the inimical Other is presently the key concept through which populism is defined. Placing a negative term as central to the populist phenomenon, the article will then show the importance of the inimical Other in historical terms. Unlike those who abide by the discursive rules of liberal democracy, which pacify friend-enemy distinctions, populists embrace a foundational Manichean opposition that is reminiscent of defunct ideologies such as fascism, Nazism, and communism.
HASSAN ARABI AND AZEDDINE ETTAHRI Diplomacia cultural y deportiva. Nuevos conceptos y horizontes [Cultural and sports diplomacy. New concepts and horizons.].
The 2030 FIFA World Cup takes place for the first time in six countries across three continents. A century after the inaugural tournament, Spain, Portugal, and Morocco are embarking on the tripartite organization of one of the world's most significant sporting events. This collaboration, commemorating the centenary of the competition, also includes the symbolic and inaugural participation of Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay. In this context, twenty-two authors from various disciplines, coordinated by Hassan Arabi from the Mohamed I University in Nador and Azeddine Ettahri from the Mohamed V University in Rabat, have co-edited a joint book that offers an in-depth exploration of sports diplomacy. Prologued by Mohamed Mehdi Bensaid, Morocco's Minister of Youth, Culture, and Communication, the book analyzes the intersecting interests and perspectives arising among the three organizing countries, representing a vital link between the countries of Europe and Africa. This academic work delves into the complexities and opportunities presented by the collaboration among the participating nations, highlighting how sports can serve as a strategic tool in diplomacy and international relations, fostering understanding and cooperation among diverse cultures.
RICHARD WOLIN Heidegger in Ruins: Between Philosophy and Ideology
Richard Wolin’s Heidegger in Ruins: Between Philosophy and Ideology unveils the intricate ties between Martin Heidegger’s philosophical work and his political affiliations. By dismantling the long-held separation between Heidegger’s abstract ideas and his entanglement with National Socialism, Wolin reveals unsettling truths that challenge our understanding of the philosopher, offering a fresh and critical perspective on his enduring legacy.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE ROMANIAN POLITICAL LIFE, APRIL 01 – SEPTEMBER 30, 2024
Under the coordination of Domnica Gorovei, Teodora Lovin and Alexandru Găzdaru, the following students of the Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest, have contributed to the chronology (press monitoring and/or translation): Bălan Oana Doriana, Cosma Anca-Mălina, Iacob Maria Matilda, Teodor Andreea, Tivdă Radu-Alexandru, and Vasiliu Diana. The main sources of information used were the online editions of: Mediafax, RFI România, Agerpres, Spotmedia, Biziday, Digi24, Revista 22, G4Media, Romania-Insider.com, Press One.
THE POLITICAL INSTRUMENTALIZATION OF THE COLLECTIVE MEMORY OF THE COMMUNIST PAST AGAINST THE RULE OF LAW IN ROMANIA BETWEEN 2017-2019
The present paper analyzes how the collective memory of the Romanian people about the Securitate is used by the political leaders of the governing parties between 2017-2019 with the aim to alter the criminal law and the anticorruption strategy. This paper employs the concepts of illiberalism, collective memory, and populism to explore how the “anti-anticorruption” narrative was constructed. A qualitative analysis was conducted on a selection of speeches delivered by leaders of governing parties and Prime Ministers. The findings indicate that political figures seeking to undermine anticorruption efforts attempted to redefine the identity of the Romanian people, portraying them as a nation oppressed and monitored by the so-called “Parallel State.”
THROUGH THE LENS OF MEDIATIZATION: GOVERNANCE LEGITIMACY IN THE WAKE OF BULGARIAN PROTESTS IN 2020 AND 2021
Although there is ample literature on discursive aspects of legitimation invoked by different actors aiming to justify particular policies or activities, few studies examine the role of the media and the ensuing (de)legitimation of the processes of governance. This article seeks to redress that gap by providing an empirical account of the discursive aspects of (de)legitimation by the media at the time of societal turbulence. Focusing on Bulgaria, the author traces the ways by which the media attempted to (de)legitimize the governance processes in the wake of public discontent in 2020. Combining critical discourse analysis and constructivist grounded theory, the article elaborates on three de-legitimation narratives – violated democracy, crisis and left-behindness –and(de)legitimation strategies and the lexical choices that formed the basis for such (de)legitimation. The findings suggest that these narratives contribute to the activation of the feelings of hopelessness, and the imaginary of “common” Bulgarians that are at the mercy of “the others” or some external forces from which it is impossible to break free.
POLICY PLANNING AND COORDINATION: THEORY AND PRACTICE FROM THE GEORGIAN PERSPECTIVE
The aim of this article is to study, from a Georgian perspective, the theoretical foundations of policy planning and coordination and its practical characteristics. The latter is an integral aspect of public administration and one of the most crucial components and principles of the methodological framework of public administration of the European Union and its Neighbourhood Policy. Georgia intends to implement this framework by synthesizing evidence-based policy (EBP), results-based management (RBM), and whole-of-government models (WGA). Through a theoretical examination, in-depth interviews, and document analysis methods, the research uncovers that the characteristics of policy planning and coordination in Georgia are characterized by inconsistencies between theory and practice. The insufficient level of implementation of EBP, WGA, and RBM models and the root causes of this misalignment include factors such as an administrative and political culture incongruent with the implementation of these models, bureaucratic tradition, system readiness, and political will.
THE RULE OF LAW AND POPULISM INTERDEPENDENCIES: THE PERSPECTIVE OF POLITICAL STABILITY
This paper sheds new light on comprehending populist politics and its relation to the rule of law. Dealing with the fact that populist parties are competing and struggling with the courts, one can say that the tension between judicial and legislative institutions is a crucial element of contemporary liberal democracy condition. The following article proposes a new approach to be used as an analytical tool for surveying the interdependencies between the rule of law and populism. According to this view, dialectical analysis should replace the axiological analysis of judicial/democratic dualism. The purpose of this shift is to regard the tension between given elements of a political system in a mechanical way rather than in terms of a clash of values. Using the pendulum metaphor, one can track the relations between static and dynamic elements of a given political system.